Eurasia 3/2005 - Dossier "Il Mediterraneo"

For centuries the Mediterranean Sea has been in the geopolitical
centre of the conflicts between the European powers, and even as
today the stage of geopolitics has expanded on the continental
(Eurasian) level, this area remains the site of possible fracture
between North and South, and the necessary territory of control for
any foreign occupier. Therefore the Mediterranean sea is a very
fortune choice for the fourth issue of the geopolitical
journal "Eurasia".
The Mediterranean Sea is the sacral space for different
traditions and peoples, and also this aspect does not feature
prominently in the considerations of the geopoliticans, the
contribution of Claudio Mutti (Delenda Carthago) on the history and
the end of Carthago brings this question into the view, at least
indirectly when he considers the opposition between the
materialistic civilisation of Carthago with the Graeco-Romanian
culture. Also the difference between an essential land power (Rome)
with its form of Empire, and the sea imperialism can here be tracked
for the first time historically.
A very short article on the island of Malta from Anna Maria Turi
(Malta) can be mentioned here, because this small state lies
approximately between the old Carthagean coast and the Italian
mainland. Malta, which can be called the only Arab member state of
the European Union, deserves special attention because of its long
and eventful history, which concentrates nearly all factors of the
Mediterranean features and also problems.
As the extension of the Mediterranean sea can be seen the Black
Sea. The Black Sea has been long contested between the heirs of the
Byzantine empire, and today, after the dissolution of the Soviet
Union it is one of the places of the aggressive Western penetration
in the Heartland of the Eurasian continent, not at least in the
struggle for the oil of the Caspian sea. This is shown brief but
pronounced by Daniele Scalea (La guerra degli oleodotti intorno al
Mar Nero). A very prominent place of the Black Sea grand space, the
half-island of Krimea, is treated by Stefano Rimini (Crimea: analisi
storica e questioni attuali) and it seems that veritable conflicts
of nationalities are still prevalent in this not much reported area.
The recently deceased Carlo Terracciano, whose very active and
productive life in the struggle for European and Eurasian liberation
is been brought to memory in a special obituary, identifies
beside "our" Mediterranean sea two other comparably regions (I
mediterranei del mondo). These are the Caribbean Sea and the
Southern Chinese Sea. Not only are these three regions seas
surrounded by land or big islands (as in the case of the Southern
Chinese Sea), but also they have each one island in the middle,
which is the strategic key to the dominance of the whole area. These
are: Sicily, Cuba and Formosa (Taiwan). The conquest of Sicily by
the United States of America is the subject of a detailed study by
Alessandro Lattanzio (La Sicilia tra il luglio 1943 e il dicembre
1945) in this issue of "Eurasia". The presence of the Americans also
on the socialist island of Cuba has been made known to the larger
public through the concentration camp for Muslims on Guantanamo Bay,
and Taiwan of course is the American stronghold in direct opposition
to the emerging main rival, China. So all three spots of importance
in the three Mediterranean seas of the Earth are controlled by the
world hegemon.
Alberto B. Mariantoni (Dal "Mare Nostrum" al "Gallinarium
Americanum". Basi USA in Europa, Mediterraneo e Vicino Oriente)
illustrates the evolution of "our sea" to another "American
backyard" mainly with a list of all the US military and Echelon
(communication espionage) bases in the region, extended into the
Middle East. (There is another interesting article on the military
presence in Central Asia in this volume: Fabrizio Vielmini, La
presenza militare USA in Asia centrale) The appropriate strategy of
this conquest of the European/Eurasian grand space through the
channel of the Mediterranean Sea is analyzed by Antonio Venier (La
geostrategia statunitense nel Mediterraeo e nel Vicino Oriente). But
his analysis reaches the conclusion that the "le operazioni della
grande strategia americana sono state fino ad oggi sostanzialmente
coronate del successo, con il solo ostacolo della tenace resistenza
irachene."
One part of this American strategy is built by the "New
Algeria", which instead of going the democratic way to an authentic
Islamic state, as initiated by the elections of 1991, was forced
into a bloody civil war to re-emerge as a stabile basis for American
penetration of the North-African lands, with the installation of a
US base of telecommunication for the so-called "war on terror". This
chain of events is what Filippo Pederzini does report in his
contribution (La "nuova Algeria". L´ombra statunitense sulle coste
del Mediterraneo sud-occidentale).
An example of Arab resistance in the past against the
imperialist domination through the United States and earlier through
the British Empire, is reflected in the article of Spartaco Alfredo
Puttini (L´immagine della Sfinge: L´Egitto nasseriano e l´opinione
pubblica Italiana), namely the Egypt of Gamal al-Nasser. The
author's focus on the Italian point of view does open in the end to
the perspective of an Euro-Arabic alliance for the Euro-
Mediterranean integration, whose most fundamental obstacle remains
the American cultural hegemony.
The profiteers of the current situation of Western domination
are the different kinds of mafiosi, from the Balcans to the Turkey
as the open gate to the Central Asian narcotic traffic, and to the
Israeli route to the "Russian" Mafiosi, controlling the white
slavery trade. Some aspects of this vast field is treated by Adriano
Scianca in his presentation (Narcotraffico e Mediterraneo), where he
concentrates on the aspect of drugs, and sees mainly the enemies of
his choice, Albanians and Chechens, as main perpetrators.
A festival of groups, dedicated to the spread of "democracy",
being mainly the replacement of national sovereignty through
subordination to the mondialist strategy and the cultural "values"
of the United States of the America, which was held in Tirana in the
June of 2005, is described in interesting details by Silvia Zugno
(Tirana: il festival dell´attivismo mondialista). But she also goes
into the underlying strategy, openly described in American strategy
papers like "Restoring the American leadership: 13 cooperative
steps". A fact remains nevertheless unmentioned: the American
strategy does not only succeed because of the unrealistic
expectations of "freedom" and "prosperty", which are exploited by
the organisers of these Franchise "coloured revolutions", but also
because of the historical unjustice exercised by the Eurasian powers
themselves, be it Moscow, Peking or smaller players. The Eurasian
strategy has to pay attention to this, if it wants to succeed.
One who always does is the philosopher of Marxist background,
Costanzo Preve, who has become a constant contributor to this
geopolitical journal. His critical questions should be highly
welcomed. On the relationship between Europe and "its" Mediterranean
sea (L´Europa e l´area euro-mediterranea), he seems to ask: Which
Europe? Do we know at all what we are talking about? Does a
Christian Europe exist at all? Does a Carolingian Europe? An
enlightened Europe? A bourgeoise Europe? Preve's main point, beside
the philosophical consideration to the mentioned questions, is the
transformation of Europe through the decisive years of 1989-1991,
where the small concepts of Europe have become anachronistic, but at
the same time the "re-unification" of Europe has been a strategic
success for the USA and the Euro-Atlantist strategy. In general the
enlargement of Europe can not be seen in terms of positive/negative,
but in the perspective of an crisis, even of an anthropological
nature. The main obstacle to the constitution of an Euro-
Mediterranean unity is, of course, the demonisation of the Islam,
not of only of the hard variety of the vitriolic hate of a Fallaci,
but also of the soft variety of the mainstream talk of
the "backwardness" of Islam. (See for the subject of the "clash of
civilisations" with the Islamic world also the interview with Enrico
Galoppini, author of Il fascismo e l'Islam, in this same volume
(Mondo islamico e disinformazione: la dimensione mediatica
dello "scontro di civiltà") Preve expects an inevitable
secularisation of the Islamic societies due to the scientific
progress. This shows that he neither considers Islam's cyclic
function nor the special relation between the knowledge and the
sacred, through which the Islamic culture had become the real
inventor of the modern science, although science's place was not in
the centre, but in the framework of the Islamic tradition. This
equilibrium could not be transmitted to Christian Europe and lead
here to the one-sided technological development as an end in itself
and a means for capitalist profit. Not only Islam shall not be
secularised by technology, in the reverse only Islam has the means
to secularise the idolatrous pseudo-religion of capitalism, whose
roots are tracked in one contribution of this volume in the biblical
time (Genesi biblica della rivoluzione iperborghese, by Marek
Glogoczowski).
Preve has recently tackled the questions of European
perspectives on geopolitics in his book Filosofia e geopolitica
which has been published in the same edition house as "Eurasia"
Edizioni all'insegna del Veltro). It is reviewed in this issue by
Daniele Scalea. Another contribution of Costanzo Preve (I referendum
sulla "costituzione europea") has been written at the time of the
two referendums on the European constitution in France and the
Netherlands. Preve gives a detailed panorama on the question of
globalisation and the opposition against it. He sees the rejected
constitution as a step to a neo-liberal Europe, part of the Western
bloc under the hegemony of the USA and therefore lauds the No to the
constitution. This intervention is followed by a shorter answer by
Claudio Mutti (Il bambino e l´acqua sporca), who agrees with Preve´s
critic of the "orribile Europa dei burocrati neoliberali", but
warns against the demolition of the European means to an European
integration and therefore a possible European Empire independent of
Washington. A grave danger lies in the way backward to the "Europe
of the little fatherlands", of those small states who can never
build an counter-weight to the American superpower, and who are
favoured by the populist and right-extremist movements (always
islamophobe and xenophobe in different grades), which are becoming
strong in some European countries, and which, we might add, can
become a second piste for Washington and Tel Aviv, if "the neo-
liberal bureaucrats" should fail to deliver their globalist agenda.
This subject is treated by Claudio Mutti also in a critical
review of the book "Scritti etnonazionalisti. Per un´europa delle
Piccole Patrie" by Federico Prati and Silvano Lorenzoni, which
represents the exact opposite of any Imperial idea and of the
Eurasian current in particular. The latter co-author is known to us
as the author of a rather illuminating study on Chronos. Saggio
sulla metafisica del tempo and an interesting, but also partly odd
study on the Involuzione. Il selvaggio come decaduto, the
degeneration of human races. Strange, he seems not to notice that
the micro-nationalism, proposed by him, is exactly one way to such
derogation of human cultures, "pygmysation" to speak with his words.
But what Mutti demonstrates is another aspect of this idea of "a
small state for every small population group": its compatibility -
to say the least - with the American-Zionist plans of fragmentation
of all possible rivals, as demonstrable in the cases of Kosovo and
Kurdistan. A similar position of an "etnonazionalista völkisch" - a
threefold neologism, as Mutti notes - is held by Guillaume Faye, who
is one of the main agents of influence for the American conversion
of the European Right, old or new, according to Atlantist designs.


Martin A. Schwarz